The rise of the riot grrrl movement can be traced to musicians and zine creators Tobi Vail, Allison Wolfe, Molly Neuman, and Kathleen Hanna–founders of the bands Bratmobile and Bikini Kill, respectively. From its inception, riot grrrl was ideologically rooted in the concept of a girl-led collective and actively resisted the elevation of individual figureheads. Instead, its founders encouraged young women to create their own music, art, writing, and forms of protest. This DIY ethos empowered those who had never played an instrument or written creatively to pick up guitars or pens and express themselves. Women punk enthusiasts crafted fanzines that quickly evolved into interactive platforms for radical political dialogue and genre-defying creative expression by self-identified riot grrrls, fostering a vibrant culture of subversion and solidarity.
Through their music and textual productions, riot grrrls launched a pointed critique of capitalism and consumer culture while foregrounding feminist issues such as rape, assault, and the physical and psychological abuse of women. Riot grrrl zines frequently featured confessional autofiction, satirical graphic art, exchanges between creators and readers, and discussions of gender and emerging queer theory. This loosely connected, nomadic community, typically composed of individuals between the ages of 13 and 25, often experienced marginalization and alienation from the mainstream cultures in which they lived. Zines played a critical mediating role, facilitating consciousness-raising encounters between writers and readers that transcended regional and national boundaries. These exchanges fostered a sense of intimate solidarity–or, in riot grrrl terms, “girl love”–among participants. The movement’s emphasis on revealing lived, personal experience as a marker of authenticity echoes strands of second-wave feminism, particularly those that championed realistic and autobiographical writing as key tools for feminist consciousness-raising.
As Bikini Kill’s Kathleen Hanna explains,
“In writing [zines], I have had to think a lot about how to share information without acting all bossy or being condescending. … Just cuz I’m an addict/alcoholic (what-fuckin-evah) doesn’t mean I think I can speak for everyone in terms of addiction. It seems to me that each addict functions within his/her own context in terms of race, gender, location, class, personality, access, etc. . . . So it would be ridiculous for me to try and write a ‘manifesto’ or a ‘universal account’ of how addiction works.”
Here, Hanna anticipates and pre-empts external critique that she speaks from a privileged, universalist position as a white woman. Crucially, however, this acknowledgement follows her revelation of personal experience—and indeed, her claimed expertise—regarding addiction. The culture of privilege-checking cultivated in riot grrrl zines, while rooted in a desire for accountability and inclusivity, gives rise to what Mimi Thi Nguyen (2012) describes as a “troubling politics”. In this framework, traumatic experience—when reframed as the product of systemic oppression—serves to bolster claims of authentic marginality, effectively translating lived experience into a form of expertise. This dynamic complicates the relationship between personal narrative, political authority, and identity within the riot grrrl movement.
This according to “Killing ourselves is not subversive: Riot grrrl from zine to screen and the commodification of female transgression” by Emily Spiers (Women: A cultural review 26/1-2 [2015] 1–21; RILM Abstracts with Full Text, 2015-83472).
In the video below, zine publishers and artists describe riot grrrl (and zines in particular) as their entry point to different forms of activism and expression in the 1990s–the video was part of the Alien she exhibition at the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts in San Francisco.
The library of the Institut du Monde Arabe (Arab World Institute) in Paris is home to an extensive collection of writings on music from the Arab world, a region stretching from the Atlas Mountains to the Indian Ocean. This series of blog posts highlights selections from this collection, along with abstracts written by RILM staff members contained inRILM Abstracts of Music Literature, the comprehensive bibliography of writings about music and music-related subjects. In 2026, the Institut du Monde Arabe will host an exhibition on wedding cultures in the Arab world, and the institute’s library will hold an on-site exhibition of its book collection covering this topic.
In the Arab world, weddings unfold through a series of ceremonies where daily preparations and references to the sacred intertwine to initiate and bless the union of two families. From the first promises of the engagement ceremony to the morning after the wedding night, each step is guided by social norms and enveloped in society’s ideals of generosity, community, and gender roles. Whether it takes place in a single day or over the traditional seven days, each step of the wedding is intentionally marked by specific melodies, rhythms, and sounds. Prior to the actual wedding ceremony, during the night of ḥinnaẗ,natural dye is applied to the bride’s hands and feet as women praise the her beauty and recount love’s woes in song. Then, joyous zaġārīd (trills) through the air to declare the news to all, near and far, as the cantillation of the Qur’an or other sacred prayers proclaims the couple’s union in front of God. As upbeat drums of the zaffaẗ announce and accompanythe procession of the newlyweds, a subtler percussion chimes from the ẖilẖāl, the bride’s anklet, gifted from the groom to the bride to honor her femininity. These sounds intertwine with the most refined cultural expressions–skillfully crafted jewelry, intricately embroidered adornments, fragrances, and the finest cuisine, all blended together in celebration.
Even as the rush of modern life permeates every aspect of society in the Arab world, weddings continue to preserve many of the age-old customs. The related ceremonies create a momentary pause in the relentless flow of life to mark new social bonds and a transformation from singularity to family. The writings and research related to this lifecycle event covered in the annotated bibliography below explore the enduring customs across various regions of the Arab world: from the Tuareg tribes of the Sahara Desert and the Nubian tribes of the Nile Valley to urban dwellers in Cairo and Mosul. They document lyrics, transcribe melodies, describe instruments, and detail the roles of men and women in musical performances–all in an ongoing effort to understand and preserve this rich heritage of wedding customs and music.
Annotated bibliography
ʿAlī, Muḥammad Šiḥātaẗ. أغاني النساء في صعيد مصر: الأعراس، البكائيات، التحنين [Women’s songs in Upper Egypt: Wedding, lament, and pilgrimage songs] (al-Qāhiraẗ: al-Hayʾaẗ al-Miṣriyyaẗ al-ʿĀmmaẗ li-l-Kitāb, 2015). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2015-92222; IMA catalogue reference].
Transcribing orally transmitted songs in Upper Egypt is crucial, especially as many of them are at risk of being forgotten due to the passing of older women who have memorized them. Song texts were collected as the result of ethnographic research in villages in the al-Badārī province of the Asyut governorate. The three main categories of the transcribed repertoire are songs related to rites of passage, such as weddings and their associated ceremonies, funeral and lament songs known as bukāʾiyyāt, and songs known as taḥnīn, performed in preparation for the pilgrimage. An appendix with photos capturing women’s activities in various aspects of life, including domestic chores, agricultural work, food preparation, and market activities is included.
ʿArnīṭaẗ, Yusrá Ǧawhariyyaẗ. الفنون الشعبية في فلسطين [Popular arts in Palestine] (Rāmallāh: Dār al-Šurūq li-l-Našr wa-al-Tawzīʿ, 2013). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2013-54151; IMA catalogue reference]
The tangible and intangible forms of folklore–encompassing popular musical expressions, embroidery customs, and ceremonial practices associated with marriage and celebrations–serve as testimony to the enduring heritage and cultural continuity of the Palestinian people. The present effort to document select aspects of Palestinian folklore servesseveral purposes: first, to safeguard these manifestations of popular culture and ensure their continuity; second, to forge a robust connection between the present and history; third, to uncover the creative dimensions inherent in Palestinian folklore; and ultimately, to inspire fellow researchers in music and the arts to undertake similar endeavors in documenting Palestinian folklore. Folk songs should be approached with the same urgency to study and preserve such as other Palestinian traditions. Popular songs’ characteristics are detailed, including the characteristics of colloquial dialects, the melodic content, maqam structure, ornaments, and more. Transcriptions of the melodies of 66 songs, along with their transcribed lyrics, are included and are chosen as hailing from different cities. The songs are grouped by topic or occasion, as follows: children’s songs and lullabies, songs of religious holidays and celebrations; love and wedding songs; songs of war and encouragement; work songs; drinking, satirical, and political songs; dance songs; funeral chants and laments; songs of stories and tales. Popular song is a reflection of the Palestinian peoples’ ways of life and social customs and is a spontaneous expression of collective feelings and aspirations.
al-ʿĀṣimī, Ğamīlaẗ. أغاني نساء مراكش: اللعابات، الطقيطقات، الهواري، التهضيرة [Women’s songs in Marrākuš: The laʿābāt, the ṭaqīṭaqāt, the hawārī, and the tahḍīraẗ] (Marrākuš: Muʾassassaẗ Āfāq li-l-Dirāsāt wa-al-Našr wa-al-Ittiṣāl, 2012). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2012-50441; IMA catalogue reference].
Women’s songs in Marrākuš are transmitted orally from one woman to another, they are unauthored and composed collectively. Based on fieldwork with professional women performers, song forms and texts are transcribed alongside documentation on the accompanying percussion instruments and the names of the women’s groups performing each piece. Twenty-four song texts from the laʿābāt, a women’s ensemble that performs during weddings and related ceremonies, are included. Additionally, 20 song texts of the ṭaqīṭaqāt, a song form that is also performed by the laʿābāt groups on festive occasions and features articulate lyrics and steady rhythms, are transcribed. Twenty-nine song texts from two types of the hawārī song form are included, and 11 song texts of the tahḍīraẗ form, performed by groups of women during weddings, promenades, or private gatherings, are presented. An appendix contains 12 transcriptions of short excerpts from songs and the notation for each percussion section of the two hawārī song forms.
al-Asyūṭī, Darwīš.أفراح الصعيد الشعبية: من طقوس ونصوص احتفاليات الزواج والحمل والولادة والختان [The weddings of Upper Egypt: Rituals, texts, and ceremonies of marriage, pregnancy, and circumcision] (al-Qāhiraẗ: al-Hayʾaẗ al-Miṣriyyaẗ al-ʿĀmmaẗ li-l-Kitāb, 2012). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2012-52032; IMA catalogue reference].
Describes the rituals and customs associated with engagement and marriage preparation in Asyut, Upper Egypt. It covers various traditions, including the dowry presentation, the shopping process for establishing a new bridal household, the ḥinnaẗ night for the bride, and the ritual shower for the groom, among other related ceremonies. It also includes transcriptions of song lyrics collected from narrators in Asyut, as well as others memorized by the author.
Bayrūk, ʿAzzaẗ. الغناء الحساني بين التنظيم والتلقائية [Hassanian singing between structure and spontaneity] (al-Rabāṭ: Markaz al-Dirāsāt al-Ṣaḥrāwiyyaẗ/Centre des Études Sahariennes, 2015). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2015-92229; IMA catalogue reference].
The singing of the Ḥassānī tribes can be categorized into two branches: structured singing, also known as the hūl, which has been shaped by the influences of Arab, African, and Berber traditions and developed during the Ḥassānī rule in the Western Sahara during the 15th and 16th centuries; and a second branch that is unstructured and spontaneous, encompassing prophetic praise, wedding songs, rain songs, work songs, and lullabies, among others. The analysis includes a selection of song texts and their social contexts.
al-Daywahǧī, Saʿīd. تقاليد الزواج في الموصل [Marriage traditions in Mosul] (al-Mawṣil: Muʾassasaẗ Dār al-Kutub, 1975). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 1975-28979; IMA catalogue reference].
Explores the social customs associated with marriage in Mosul, from the etiquette of selecting a bride or groom to the week-long wedding celebrations and the social norms governing interactions between the families of the bride and groom. Transcriptions of the lyrics of 32 wedding songs are included. Thematically, these songs celebrate the bride and groom, describe their virtues and beauty, express the families’ emotions as they bid farewell to their daughters and sons, and highlight societal expectations of marriage, among other topics.
El Mallah, Issam. The role of women in Omani musical life/Die Rolle der Frau im Musikleben Omans (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1997). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 1997-11646; IMA catalogue reference].
The role of women in the transmission and preservation of Omani traditional music is significant, as is their influence. Women take on roles as singers, drummers, dancers, instrumentalists, and leaders in organizing dance and singing groups. The participation of women in musical arts can be grouped into two categories: arts exclusively practiced by women and those practiced alongside men. The ones involving men and women include collective dance, collective drumming, and work songs. The art forms exclusively practiced by women include women’s drumming circles, women’s work songs, Bedouin dances, wedding songs and dances, traditional healing ceremonies, and arts involving young girls. A description of the setting and context of each art form is included.
Ibn Ḥarbān, Ǧāsim Muḥammad. الزواج في المجتمع البحريني عاداته، تقاليده، فنونه [Marriage in Bahraini society: Customs, traditions, and arts] (Bayrūt: al-Muʾassasaẗ al-ʿArabiyyaẗ li-l-Dirāsāt wa-al-Našr, 2000). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2000-84970; IMA catalogue reference].
Weddings in Bahrain involve a wealth of cultural expressions. The process of marriage includes various customs such as dowry arrangements and the elaborate preparation of both the groom and the bride. There are specific dress codes for men and women, along with jewelry, embellishments, and perfumes designated for each. The food prepared for weddings is also central to the ceremony. Women musician ensembles known as the ʿiddaẗ typically perform at these events. The song forms and accompanying dances, including the dizzaẗ and the zaffaẗ, are described, along with the rhythms and percussion instruments used. Related arts and customs are also discussed, such as the practice of naḍir–a ritual where individuals offer physical or symbolic gifts in hopes of fulfilling a wish or prayer; the ʿāšūrī which involves women performing drums and dance ceremonies; the ẖammārī, a women’s dance where participants are covered with a body cloth; and the naǧdī mawwāl, a song form sung by women, among other events. Transcriptions of some song texts and rhythms are included.
Mahfoufi, Mehenna. Chants de femmes en Kabylie: Fêtes et rites au village–Étude d’ethnomusicologie [Women’s songs in Minṭaqaẗ al-Qabāʾil: Celebrations and rites in the village–An ethnomusicological study]. (Paris: Ibis Press, 2005). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2005-16247; IMA catalogue reference].
A study of village song in Minṭaqaẗ al-Qabāʾil, focusing on the songs of women that accompany various festivals and the rhythm of daily life: birth, marriage, the expression of love, lullabies, bouncing (a game that consists of bouncing babies on one’s lap), death, and religious song. The songs are transcribed and translated, and their musical form is described and analyzed. The accompanying CD features wedding songs in tracks 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13.
Mécheri-Saada, Nadia. Musique touarègue de l’Ahaggar (sud algérien) [Tuareg music of the Ahaggar in southern Algeria] (Paris: Awal; Paris: L’Harmattan, 1994). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 1995-9971; IMA catalogue reference].
The Ahaggar in southern Algeria is the homeland of Tuareg culture. Tuareg music is linked to the context of its performance, notably village festivals. Principal Tuareg instruments include the imzad (one-string fiddle), the tazamar (end-blown flute), and drums. Five musical genres are differentiated, including women’s marriage songs (āléwen) and the chanted poetry accompanied by drums, the tindé. The music’s texts, their themes, their social significance, and their poetics are analyzed.
Kamāl, Ṣafwat. “أفراح النوبة” [The weddings of the Nubia], al-Funūn al-šaʿbiyyaẗ 100 (yanāyir-dīsambir, 2015) 51–75. [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2015-92886;IMA catalog reference].
In Nubia, marriage involves customs and rituals ranging from the engagement period to the ḥinnaẗ night in preparation for the wedding, the offering of a dowry, a feast on the wedding day, and the exchange of gifts, among others. The celebrations typically last for seven days. Transcriptions of selected songs that accompany these rituals were collected before the displacement of the Nubian peoples following the building of the Aswan Dam in the 1960s and thus highlight traditional Nubian social values and religious beliefs.
Puig, Nicolas. Farah: Musiciens de noces et scènes urbaines au Caire (Arles: Actes Sud, 2010). [RILM Abstracts of Music Literature, 2010-54197; IMA catalogue reference].
Faraḥ, which literally means joy or happiness, refers to the wedding ceremonies and street festivities in Egypt. Vibrant wedding nights, featuring musical ensembles, dancers, and many forms of socialization reflect social class and status. Musicians’ and singers’ negotiation of social norms and perceptions is approached as social performance. A proper understanding of marriage festivities in urban spaces is situated within the evolving attitudes towards public urban areas in Cairo, and in relation to other local festivities such as festivals and the celebration of saints’ mawlid. Since the mid-19th century, the modernizing reforms of public urban spaces have significantly influenced the venues for public music-making in Cairo, leading to changes in musical forms, the introduction of new instruments, and the adoption of new technologies. These changes have, in turn, affected the form and delivery of music during street weddings. A closer examination of the lives and work of four wedding musicians illustrates the numerous economic and social factors that shape their careers, their aspirations, and the challenges they encounter as wedding musicians in Cairo.
Written and compiled by Farah Zahra, Associate Editor, RILM
Music teachers are generally exposed to work-related stressors sufficient to negatively impact their mental health, and both the COVID-19 pandemic and culture wars have amplified the likelihood of teacher-targeted bullying and harassment. LGBTQ+ teachers, however, have been historically more likely to experience workplace discrimination, and many are even more at risk since the advent of the third wave of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in the United States. For instance, 588 antitransgender laws were introduced across the United States, 85 of which passed in 2023.
Given the absence of a body of LGBTQ+ music teacher mental health research, a review of the literature on teacher mental health, music teacher mental health, LGBTQ+ teacher mental health, and LGBTQ+ music teacher studies reveal the threats to mental health that LGBTQ+ music teachers may encounter as a result of their work. Microaggressive stress theory is used to consider the ways that harassment and discrimination can lead to mental distress. Microaggressions can be delivered verbally, nonverbally, and environmentally. Although verbal and nonverbal microaggressions are more easily defined and noticed, environmental microaggressions include demeaning and threatening social, educational, political, or economic cues that are communicated individually, institutionally, or societally to marginalized groups. Microaggressions may be conveyed both consciously and unconsciously and can take the forms of microinsults, microassaults, and microinvalidations. Recommendations to prevent such stressors include implementing microintervention education and expanding access to mentorship, support groups, and mental health care.
This according to “Microaggressive stress and identity trauma: The work-related mental health risks of LGBTQ+ music teachers” by Tawnya D. Smith (Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education 238 [fall 2023] 7–22; RILM Abstracts of Music Literature with Full Text, 2023-19631).
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It has been noted that the durability of punk has been driven by a communal ethos that embodies inclusivity, resistance, challenge, and transformation. First wave punk represented this ethos, and it remains evident in punk’s ongoing engagement with queer politics and gender fluidity. In recent decades, articulations of transgender punk have centered on Laura Jane Grace, lead singer of the U.S. anarcho-punk band Against Me!, who came out as transgender five albums deep into her public life as an established musician. Against Me! began as Grace’s adolescent DIY solo project, through which she crafted a series of lo-fi and limited releases on local labels, including Misanthrope Records, Crasshole Records, and Plan-It-X Records, resulting in the eventual release of the band’s well-received debut LP, Reinventing Axl Rose in 2002.
From 2002 to 2009, Grace and Against Me! released five albums that saw the band emerge from DIY basement shows and self-reliance to playing stadiums and being labeled as “industry sellouts”, drawing sharp criticism from the anarcho-punk community. It was after this period that Grace chose to openly discuss her struggles with gender dysphoria and growing up closeted in her first interview with Rolling Stone in 2012. As Grace explained,
“You know, one of the very appealing things to me about the punk rock world when I was 15, 16, especially stumbling onto anarchist punk rock and activist punk rock. And a scene that was really strongly feminist and anti-racist and anti-homophobia, anti-transphobia, all about body liberation, all about . . . just being yourself.”
Laura Jane Grace (center) performing with Miley Cyrus (left) and Joan Jett.
A literary analysis of Grace’s early song lyrics, composed before she came out publicly in 2012, stands out for its emotional complexity and unique insight into the mind of someone, who for many years, had wrestled with their gender identity. The purity and conviction of punk initially offered Grace a platform to counteract the turmoil of growing up experiencing gender dysphoria. However, she describes becoming frustrated and disappointed with punk’s rigidity and found herself impeded by its codes of masculinity that, in many ways, reinforced gender norms and her own gender insecurity. Facing criticism from the scene she once called home, Grace turned inward, often within the spatial confines of her own songs. On the final track from the album Searching for a former clarity, Grace writes,
No the doctors didn’t tell you that you were dying. They just collected their money, And send you on your way. But you knew all along. Went on pretending nothing was wrong. You said I will keep my focus, Till the end. And in the journal you kept, By the side of your bed. You wrote nightly an aspiration, Of developing as an author. Confessing childhood secrets, Of dressing up in women’s clothes. Compulsions you never knew the reasons to. Will everyone, You ever meet or love, Be just a relationship based, On a false presumption.
Read more in “Tonight we’re gonna give it 35%: Expressions of transgender identity in the early work of Laura Jane Grace” by Kristen Carella and Kathryn Wymer (Journal of gender studies 29/3 [2020] 257–268), and ““Delicate, petite, & other things I’ll never be”: Trans-punk anthems and love songs” by Gareth Schott (European journal of English studies 24/1 [2020] 37–51). Find both articles in RILM Abstracts of Music Literature.
Listen to the track Searching for a former clarity below.
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The video for the song Ha-he by the Kenyan experimental pop music group Just a Band features a character named Makmende Amerudi as its protagonist. Within a week of its release on YouTube, Ha-he received nearly 25,000 views and fans began creating their own original Makmende tales, videos, and artwork, leading global media outlets to label Makmende “Kenya’s first viral internet sensation”. Using a contemporary style of hand-held camerawork and shallow depth of field, the video’s graphics, characters, and storylines are reminiscent of 1970s blaxploitation films. As the mysterious tough-guy protagonist, Makmende appears more comfortable sneering than smiling, and like other blaxploitation characters, he sports an Afro hairstyle, open dress shirt exposing his chest, disco-style pants, and dark aviator sunglasses. Other male characters in the video are similarly dressed, while the only female (the damsel in distress) wears a natural short hairstyle, large hoop earrings, a headscarf, and tight pants, reminiscent of blaxploitation icon Pam Grier. Multiple camera angles in the video are reminiscent of the “bullet time” visual effect in The Matrix, and near the end of the video, Makmende ties a red necktie around his head, drawing parallels to Japanese samurai and cult vigilante Rambo.
As technological innovators, young, urban Kenyans seized the moment to reappropriate outdated stereotypes of weakness into aspirations of strength as they projected Kenya into a global online conversation. Through this meme, Makmende became more than a fictional superhero; he represented Kenya’s present and future. While some have considered Makmende as an example of a transnational cultural flow originating in the Global South, this meme, in its cultural and social context, can also be attributed to how and why Kenyans used Makmende to represent themselves. While many video memes are rooted in imitation and parody, the participatory playfulness surrounding Makmende created a “meme of aspiration” through which certain Kenyans collectively reimagined a hypermasculine hero who could lead the nation toward political and economic stability at home and cultural and technological prominence abroad.
Read more in “Makmende Amerudi: Kenya’s collective reimagining as a meme of aspiration” by Brian Ekdale and Melissa Tully (Critical studies in media communication 31/4 [2014], 283–298).
Watch Makmende in action in the video for Just a Band’s Ha-he below.
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The main entrance to the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts’s exhibition Lou Reed: Caught between the twisted stars opens up on Lincoln Plaza, directly adjacent to the The Metropolitan Opera house. On a sunny day, the Met’s … Continue reading →
Seven strings/Сім струн (dedicated to Uncle Michael)* For thee, O Ukraine, O our mother unfortunate, bound, The first string I touch is for thee. The string will vibrate with a quiet yet deep solemn sound, The song from my heart … Continue reading →
Introduction: Dr. Philip Ewell, Associate Professor of Music at Hunter College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York, posted a series of daily tweets during Black History Month (February 2021) providing information on some under-researched Black … Continue reading →
For it [the Walkman] permits the possibility…of imposing your soundscape on the surrounding aural environment and thereby domesticating the external world: for a moment, it can all be brought under the STOP/START, FAST FOWARD, PAUSE and REWIND buttons. –Iain Chambers, “The … Continue reading →
